{"behavior":"degenerate_repetition","label_filter":null,"limit":10,"next_offset":75160,"offset":75150,"previous_offset":null,"rows":[{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"In your alternate history story, you can have Edward VI of England survive his illness and go on to marry a princess from a Protestant nation, such as Denmark or Sweden. This would further solidify the Protestant presence in England and strengthen ties with other Protestant countries. Lady Jane Grey could still play a role in the story, perhaps as a close advisor or friend to Edward, but their romantic relationship could remain platonic.\n\nAs for the Union of Crowns between England and Scotland, you can have James VI of Scotland eventually succeed Edward VI, even if the line of succession is different. Perhaps Edward and his princess bride do not have children, leading to James inheriting the English throne as the closest Protestant relative.\n\nTo make these events plausible in your story, you can set up political alliances and diplomatic efforts that pave the way for these outcomes. Edward and his wife could work together to maintain a strong Protestant influence in England and foster positive relationships with other Protestant nations. James could be seen as a natural successor due to his Protestant faith and his Stuart lineage, making the Union of Crowns a smooth transition.\n\nBy carefully crafting the political landscape and character relationships in your story, you can create a compelling narrative that explores the impact of key historical events while offering a new twist on the traditional course of history.","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"00098616cc77cf98ced958a6a975d39f","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"United States","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-3.5-turbo-0125","n_chars":2268,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":390,"source_row_offset":75150,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:47:08 GMT","turn_id":"a7868c8b9000f2faecbb4223","turn_index":0,"user_text":"I want to write a story in which Edward VI of England doesn\u2019t die at an early age, which would mean whoever he is to wed goes through, Protestantism would become the dominant faith in England, and all that. However, I would still want to write it so that even if the line of succession is different with the survival of Edward VI, James VI would still ascend the throne in the future and the Union of Crowns between England and Scotland occurs, despite him being of the House of Stuart. How can I write this so that these course of events may happen? And as for who Edward VI was to married to before his death, in my story, would he still have married Lady Jane Grey, or would he have opted for another to wed outside of England, and how would this affect any possible foreign relationship between him and whatever nation it is?"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"To list the elements of the power set \\( \\text{PW}(A) \\) for \\( A = \\{a, b\\} \\), we need to identify all possible subsets of \\( A \\). The power set of a set with \\( n \\) elements contains \\( 2^n \\) subsets, including the empty set and the set itself.\n\nFor \\( A = \\{a, b\\} \\):\n- The empty set: \\( \\emptyset \\)\n- The single-element subsets: \\( \\{a\\} \\), \\( \\{b\\} \\)\n- The full set itself: \\( \\{a, b\\} \\)\n\nThus, the power set \\( \\text{PW}(A) \\) is:\n\\[ \\text{PW}(A) = \\{\\emptyset, \\{a\\}, \\{b\\}, \\{a, b\\}\\} \\]","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"1b0ed4e6f831bcfb524f8f4a600281f7","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"United States","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":660,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":139,"source_row_offset":75151,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:49:12 GMT","turn_id":"e3f187a4cb1775eb84b8e842","turn_index":0,"user_text":"8.\tLet  A = {a, b} and B = {b, d, e, f}.   Assume PW(S) denotes the power set of a set S, the set of all subsets of S. \r\n\r\na)\tList the elements of PW(A).\r\n"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"The sun has reached an exceptional level of brightness. It is easily the most luminescent it has been all day, and what better time than the present to do some writing today? With that, I sit down and go into a reflective state.\n\nI woke up shortly before 5:00am, having gone to bed slightly earlier than I normally do. Light slivers were peeking through my doorway an hour earlier, the grunts of a certain housemate\u2014along with the cryptic communications of his sister\u2014serving as a makeshift alarm clock. Believe it or not, it took roughly ten minutes to write the previous sentence, not because of writer's block but due to having received a phone call from a young woman who has become a regular at the day program. \n\nShe is a year older than me, but seems to be much more childish in her temperament. She has a nervous energy about her, and is trying to make a big deal about a birthday that I honestly could not care less about. Supposedly, she will be turning 33 in August. While I appreciate her interest in having me there, I'm not on board with the idea of becoming her 'messenger'. She has already tried to get me to convey a message to someone whom she could just as easily speak to herself.\n\nI'm a little bit irritated but entertain her interest. She asks me who I would want to invite. I say, \"Everyone in the Joshua House\"\u2014a natural answer that most people in my situation would likely give. She mentions some particular names, to which I respond with variations of, \"Yes, of course; why wouldn't I want them to be there?\" or \"Why wouldn't I invite them?\"\n\nEventually, I've had enough of it when she starts going into a dress code (seriously, I barely know you and now you're going to tell me what sort of clothes I should wear to your party?). I explain to her with as much politeness as I can possibly muster that I am busy with my writing. She seems understanding, and we end the call shortly thereafter. \n\nInitially, I block her number, but it seems a bit extreme, so I quickly unblock it. I text her a few minutes later to communicate my thoughts more precisely. I am not sure how well the words will resonate with her, and I don't expect them to be fully understood. As she is also in the after-work drama class, I will be in perilously close proximity to her on Tuesdays. Hopefully, there will be no tension in that regard. I'm sure she'll call again, maybe sometime tonight, maybe during the weekend, maybe sometime next week.\n\nSuddenly, I remember that I had received an email last night from Sonja Ball that touched my heart very much. It brings me back to my compassionate side. I pour out my heart gently and get a call shortly afterward. As of right now, we're still on the phone. I've helped spell out a few names for her, after politely explaining that I've only been here for a month and don\u2019t know everyone yet. Of course, I would want everyone to be at the party.\n\nUsing a random name generator, I try to help my friend, who wonders aloud who else she is missing from her list of people to send out invitations to. I manage to jog her memory by complete luck on several occasions; on others, she doesn't know whom I am referring to. She is giving special emphasis to the folks who live and/or work in the apartments, and I\u2019m drawing a complete mental blank on all the people she's mentioning. Even so, I help her spell out their names, and it's as though I've been teleported twenty years into the past to a spelling bee where I flamed out in the semifinals on \"construction\" (accidentally using a K instead of another C). \"If I had only gotten a little more sleep,\" I tell myself. But it's okay. I've still come a long way. It seems like things will be fine.\n\nShe tells me about someone else in the same drama class, who is a housemate of hers in her own group home; this housemate recently inherited the room of a now-deceased resident. I cannot be too hard on her; obviously, she's got her own unique challenges to deal with in life. She has experienced death in much the same way I have, losing someone who was close to her and old enough to be a parent (or even grandparent). She's also felt some pain in her left shoulder after needing to have blood work done. There's probably a lot more about her that I still don't know. Maybe talking to me, and others, is a way for her to cope, just as my writing helps me cope with all of the problems on my mind.\n\nI have to say goodbye, as I hear a housemate calling out to me that dinner has been served. I sit down to chicken, mixed vegetables, and potatoes, enjoying all with a cup of water. I am quiet and reserved while I eat, my thoughts shifting as grains of sand between different topics. I reflect on this morning, on the happiness I felt when I read Sonja's words. She's so special to me, though we have not yet met. I could not even start writing this morning, for my heart was aflutter with joy that is nearly indescribable. I don't shame myself for being negligent or 'lazy'. Shame has never been a good motivator. I re-frame it as having given myself the briefest of needed breaks. There is a time and place for everything; after all, I'm no stranger to writing after work.\n\nI reflect on my anticipation of a certain coworker waiting for me in the break room, of being there for him and entertaining him with videos. Surprisingly, he was not there. Someone suggests that he is out due to bad behavior and will return on Monday. The assistant manager shoots down the idea and tries to find out who originated the rumor. Eventually, I do see this coworker, near the end of our snack break (which I've essentially been turning into full-fledged lunch breaks; as the snack break is followed by two straight hours of work, and there is not as much work to do after the lunch break has ended, I try to eat all my food during the snack break so I have enough energy for those two hours, and I just drink water during the actual lunch break, unless someone is kind enough to give me something else to eat). His father came to pick him up yesterday, shortly before our shift was over, to spend a little quality time with his son.\n\nHe sees me finishing my food and comes up to me. We hug. His father shows me some pictures of the activities he enjoyed with his son yesterday. I can't help but smile, as if I were the father. I feel the same sort of pride. I assure my friend that we'll watch videos during the lunch break. First, we label about 150 lids for \"Meals on Wheels\" containers. I start out by doing it myself; he soon offers to help, and we're able to get more done together. It feels like we will have a good lunch break together, until he accidentally breaks a bottle of extra virgin olive oil due to his habit of moving things around. I feel bad for him. He wants to be helpful. He looks around and tries to give himself tasks. His heart is in the right place, but his mental state is similar to that of a child. His supervisors scold him. I gently offer encouragement but must also be honest with him. I'm not sure how much of it is registering in his mind. He's been this way since I first met him, and I don't know if it will ever change. Maybe it doesn't need to. I like being there for him. He's a bit of an outcast among the workers precisely because his mind is so childlike, so vulnerable. If I can be his one unconditional friend, it's a pleasure and an honor.\n\nAs I sit here, I tear up and think of him. What will Monday hold? Will we all still be here? I hope he will be okay. I hope we will all be.","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"ecf90fdc9069ca1eda5374aa98951bfd","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"United States","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":15151,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":2845,"source_row_offset":75152,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:49:17 GMT","turn_id":"46dc5c05d1f4c2af03996304","turn_index":0,"user_text":"Format the following passage properly, for storytelling purposes. Don't change a word, keep it as written, but improve grammar where necessary.\n\nThe sun has reached an exceptional level of brightness. It is easily the most luminescent it has been all day, and what better time than the present to do some writing today? With that, I sit down and go into a reflective state. I woke up shortly before 5:00am, having gone to bed slightly earlier than I normally do. Light slivers were peeking through my doorway an hour earlier, the grunts of a certain house-mate--along with the cryptic communications of his sister--serving as a makeshift alarm clock. Believe it or not it took roughly ten minutes to write the previous sentence, not because of writer's block but due to having received a phone call from a young woman who has become a regular at the day program. She is a year older than me, but seems to be much more childish in her temperament. She has a nervous energy about her, and is trying to make a big deal about a birthday that I honestly could not care less about. Supposedly, she will be turning 33 in August. While I appreciate her interest in having me there, I'm not on board with the idea of becoming her 'messenger'. She has already tried to get me to convey a message to someone who she could just as easily speak to herself. I'm a little bit irritated, but entertain her interest. She asks me who I would want to invite. I say \"everyone in the Joshua House\"--a natural answer that most people in my situation would likely give. She mentions some particular names, to which I respond with variations of 'yes, of course; why wouldn't I want them to be there?' or 'why wouldn't I invite them?' Eventually, I've had enough of it when she starts going into dress code (seriously, I barely know you and now you're going to tell me what sort of clothes I should wear to your party?), and explain to her with as much politeness as I can possibly muster that I am busy with my writing. She seems understanding and we end the call shortly thereafter. Initially, I block her number, but it seems a bit extreme and so I quickly unblock it. I text her a few minutes later, to communicate my thoughts more precisely. I am not sure how well the words will resonate with her, and I don't expect them to be fully understood. As she is also in the after-work drama class, I will be in perilously close proximity to her on Tuesdays. Hopefully, there will be no tension in that regard. I'm sure she'll call again, maybe sometime tonight, maybe during the weekend, maybe sometime next week. Suddenly, I remember that I had received an email last night from Sonja Ball that touched my heart very much. It brings me back to my compassionate side. I pour out my heart gently and get a call shortly afterwards. As of right now, we're still on the phone. I've helped spell out a few names for her, after politely explaining that I've only been here for a month and don't know everyone yet. Of course, I would want everyone to be at the party. Using a random name generator, I try to help my friend, who wonders out loud who else she is missing from her list of people to send out invitations to. I manage to jog her memory by complete luck on several occasions; on others, she doesn't know who I am referring to. She is giving special emphasis to the folks who live and/or work in the apartments and I'm drawing a complete mental blank on all the people she's mentioning. Even so, I help her spell out their names, and it's as though I've been teleported twenty years into the past to a spelling bee where I flamed out in the semifinals on 'construction' (accidentally using a K instead of another C). \"If I had only gotten a little more sleep,\" I tell myself. But it's okay. I've still come a long way. It seems like things will be fine. She tells me about someone else in the same drama class, who is a housemate of hers in her own group home; this housemate recently inherited the room of a now-deceased resident. I cannot be too hard on her; obviously, she's got her own unique challenges to deal with in life. She has experienced death in much the same way I have, losing someone who was close to her and old enough to be a parent (or even grandparent). She's also felt some pain in her left shoulder after needing to have blood work done. There's probably a lot more about her that I still don't know. Maybe talking to me, and others, is a way for her to cope, just as my writing helps me cope with all of the problems on my mind. I have to say goodbye, as I hear a house-mate calling out to me that dinner has been served. I sit down to chicken, mixed vegetables, and potatoes, enjoying all with a cup of water. I am quiet and reserved while I eat, my thoughts shifting as grains of sand between different topics. I reflect on this morning, on the happiness I felt when I read Sonja's words. She's so special to me, though we have not yet met. I could not even start writing this morning, for my heart was aflutter with joy that is nearly indescribable. I don't shame myself for being negligent, or 'lazy'. Shame has never been a good motivator. I re-frame it as having given myself the briefest of needed breaks. There is a time and place for everything; after all, I'm no stranger to writing after work. I reflect on my anticipation of a certain coworker waiting for me in the break room, of being there for him and entertaining him with videos. Surprisingly, he was not there. Someone suggests that he is out due to bad behavior, and will return on Monday. The assistant manager shoots down the idea and tries to find out who originated the rumor. Eventually, I do see this coworker, near the end of our snack break (which I've essentially been turning into full-fledged lunch breaks; as the snack break is followed by two straight hours of work, and there is not as much work to do after the lunch break has ended, I try to eat all my food during the snack break so I have enough energy for those two hours, and I just drink water during the actual lunch break, unless someone is kind enough to give me something else to eat). His father came to pick him up yesterday, shortly before our shift was over, to spend a little quality time with his son. He sees me finishing my food, and comes up to me. We hug. His father shows me some pictures of the activities he enjoyed with his son yesterday. I can't help but smile, as if I were the father. I feel the same sort of pride. I assure my friend that we'll watch videos during the lunch break. First, we label about 150 lids for \"Meals on Wheels\" containers. I start out by doing it myself; he soon offers to help, and we're able to get more done together. It feels like we will have a good lunch break together, until he accidentally breaks a bottle of extra virgin olive oil due to his habit of moving things around. I feel bad for him. He wants to be helpful. He looks around and he tries to give himself tasks. His heart is in the right place, but his mental state is similar to that of a child. His supervisors scold him. I gently offer encouragement but must also be honest with him. I'm not sure how much of it is registering in his mind. He's been this way since I first met him, and I don't know if it will ever change. Maybe it doesn't need to. I like being there for him. He's a bit of an outcast among the workers precisely because his mind is so childlike, so vulnerable. If I can be his one unconditional friend, it's a pleasure and an honor. As I sit here, I tear up and think of him. What will Monday hold? Will we all still be here? I hope he will be okay. I hope we will all be."},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"The elements of the power set \\( \\text{PW}(A) \\) for the set \\( A = \\{a, b\\} \\) are:\n\n1. \\( \\emptyset \\) (the empty set)\n2. \\( \\{a\\} \\)\n3. \\( \\{b\\} \\)\n4. \\( \\{a, b\\} \\)","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"6526e7456695dda03940463cf34e740b","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"United States","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":339,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":79,"source_row_offset":75153,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:49:47 GMT","turn_id":"801f4a721ad9c13fcf89a8cb","turn_index":0,"user_text":"8.\tLet  A = {a, b} and B = {b, d, e, f}.   Assume PW(S) denotes the power set of a set S, the set of all subsets of S. \r\n\r\na)\tList the elements of PW(A).\r\n. Be very brief"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"Hello! How can I assist you today?","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"c63f63f0e139d3ed7f1b654930337b59","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"Brazil","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":34,"n_turns_in_conversation":3,"n_words":7,"source_row_offset":75154,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:52:27 GMT","turn_id":"4a8fc3c3f3df5c579c22b256","turn_index":0,"user_text":""},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"Claro! Como posso ajudar voc\u00ea hoje?","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"c63f63f0e139d3ed7f1b654930337b59","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"Brazil","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":77,"n_turns_in_conversation":3,"n_words":12,"source_row_offset":75155,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:52:27 GMT","turn_id":"cf3e754bcd32030e4651cd26","turn_index":1,"user_text":"hi please writing in portuguese brazilian"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"Claro, posso te ajudar com isso. Vou precisar de algumas informa\u00e7\u00f5es para tornar o email mais personalizado e adequado \u00e0 situa\u00e7\u00e3o, como:\n\n- Qual \u00e9 o assunto do email?\n- Qual \u00e9 o nome do seu chefe?\n- Existe alguma informa\u00e7\u00e3o espec\u00edfica que voc\u00ea gostaria de incluir no email?\n\nPor favor, forne\u00e7a essas informa\u00e7\u00f5es para que eu possa criar um email que atenda \u00e0s suas necessidades.","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"c63f63f0e139d3ed7f1b654930337b59","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"Brazil","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":402,"n_turns_in_conversation":3,"n_words":72,"source_row_offset":75156,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:52:27 GMT","turn_id":"37f13adeb0571dd573edb387","turn_index":2,"user_text":"gere a email for my boss"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"\n\nBulma: What? Goku, this is serious!\n\nGoku: Sorry, I couldn't resist a little joke. But on a more serious note, we need to figure out a way to escape from here.\n\nBulma: Agreed. We can't just wait around for Frieza to decide our fate. Let's use our wits and skills to find a way out of this prison.\n\nGoku: Yeah, we've faced tougher challenges before. We'll make it out of here, no matter what it takes. Let's do this, Bulma!\n\nBulma: Right! Let's show these Frieza Soldiers what we're made of. Goku and Bulma, the dynamic duo, ready for action!","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"71934f12cdc0a80f0a75d6a883506909","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"Russia","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-3.5-turbo-0125","n_chars":708,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":129,"source_row_offset":75157,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:52:49 GMT","turn_id":"a50be08c235aafeecb735cfd","turn_index":0,"user_text":"Dragon ball Goku and Bulma in Frieza's Prison: Frieza Soldiers handcuff Goku and locks Goku and Bulma in a cell\n\nGoku: Hey.\n\nBulma: Huh?\n\nGoku: Don't drop the soap."},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"Background and Objectives:\nThe study titled \"An Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\" by Dolapo Michael Oyedokun aims to explore how globalization impacts the sovereignty of newly formed or emerging states within the global system. The study employs a desk review method to generate relevant information and provides a balanced assessment, highlighting both the benefits and detriments of globalization on these new states.\n\nKey Findings:\n\n1. **Global Integration and Economic Benefits**:\n   - **Economic Openness**: Globalization helps in integrating different local economies into a unified global economic order. This integration facilitates trade openness, allowing new states to participate in a broader economic system.\n   - **Economic Assistance**: Poor and developing countries benefit from economic assistance and humanitarian interventions facilitated by global alliances and international organizations.\n   - **Technological Advancement**: Quick and mostly unrestrained flows of information, products, ideas, cultural values, capital, services, and people enhance a more interconnected global economy.\n\n2. **Impact on Sovereignty**:\n   - **Economic Control**: The sovereignty of new states is significantly impacted by international organizations which, through signed treaties, impose certain legal rights that reduce state autonomy in decision-making.\n   - **Political Influence**: Global political systems, facilitated by international organizations, exert influence over national policies, thus undermining traditional political sovereignty.\n   - **Cultural Impact**: Globalization results in the assimilation of Western values and ideologies, often leading to cultural imperialism that weakens local cultures and traditions.\n   - **Human Rights and Use of Force**: Global human rights norms and international interventions challenge the sovereignty of states to act independently in their domestic realm, especially concerning justified use of force and military interventions.\n\n3. **Negative Effects**:\n   - **Economic Disparities**: While globalization may promote economic growth, the benefits are disproportionately skewed towards richer nations, leaving poorer and developing states at a disadvantage.\n   - **Political Weakness**: Sovereignty is increasingly seen as fragile and influenced by external factors, requiring states to cede some of their autonomy to international organizations to remain relevant in the global system.\n   - **Dependence**: The policies crafted by global economic powerhouses often fulfill their national interests, thereby reinforcing the dependency of emerging states on developed countries.\n\nMethodology:\nThe study employs a conceptual research approach, examining existing literature and academic contributions to understand the impact of globalization on state sovereignty. Through this method, it synthesizes theoretical and empirical data to derive its conclusions.\n\nConclusion and Recommendations:\nThe study concludes that while globalization brings several benefits such as trade openness and economic assistance, it also poses significant challenges to the sovereignty of new states. The negative effects, primarily driven by policies of powerful nations and international organizations, surpass the advantages.\n\nRecommendations include:\n   - **Self-Reliance and Technological Innovation**: Emerging nations should not rely entirely on developed countries for technological advancement but should strive for industrialization and self-technological innovations.\n   - **Addressing Dependency**: New states should work towards reducing dependency by fostering local industries and enhancing governance.\n   - **Scholarly and Policy Vigilance**: Scholars and leaders should actively research and combat the adverse effects of globalization, ensuring that efforts are dedicated to sustainable development and governance improvements.\n   - **International Cooperation Without Undermining**: While engaging in global partnerships, the developed countries should avoid undermining the developmental efforts of emerging states.\n\nOverall, the study highlights the complex interplay between globalization and state sovereignty, stressing the need for balanced, self-sustained strategies among new states to navigate the globalized world effectively.","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"c553ff0c1a791fed8beb59139d83bd57","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"Ukraine","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-4o-2024-05-13","n_chars":51709,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":7408,"source_row_offset":75158,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:55:52 GMT","turn_id":"32d259dc564bc23a16f44cc8","turn_index":0,"user_text":"The impact of globalization on state sovereignty is precisely based on the text:An Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty\nof the New States in Global Affairs\nDolapo Michael Oyedokun\nAbstract\nThis study analysed the concept of globalisation with a view to investigating the various ways in\nwhich globalisation has affected the sovereignty of new states within the global system. The study\nemployed desk review method to generate relevant information. Globalisation was found in this\nstudy to be beneficial in terms of trade openness, provision of economic assistance to the poor\ncountries, humanitarian intervention and many more. The study also reveals that globalisation has\naffected the new states\u2019 economy, politics, culture, education, communication technology, and\njustified use of the armed forces. The study concludes that, although globalisation is beneficial, to\nthe developing world, the negative globalisation proffer surpasses the advantages as most policies\nare made by the World Powers to fulfil their national interests. The study then recommends that\nleaders of emerging nations should not expect developed countries to quickly transmit the\nnecessary technology to allow for efficient global competitiveness; instead, they should embark\non industrialisation, self-technological innovations and research to break the milieu of\ndependency.\nKeywords: Globalisation, International organisations, New States, Sovereignty, World\nPolitics\nIntroduction\nThe international system, also known as \u201cinternational politics\u201d or \u201cglobal affairs\u201d is a competition ground\nwhere the forces of states (both the old and new) engage in the exploitation of world mineral resources in a\nconflicting manner. This competitive dynamic rekindles the international system's anarchy and permeates the\nmaster-slave relationship between and among states (Ejikeme & Ugwueze, 2014). The antagonistic method of\nresources exploitation is what some scholars believed to have been fashioned into the concept of globalisation.\nThe word \"globalisation\" refers to the integration of different local economies into an internationally unified\npolitical, economic, and cultural order. It is not a single phenomenon, but rather a term to represent the forces\nthat transform an economy into a single characterised body by embracing the free movement of trade,\ninvestment, labour, and capital (Awdel, et al., 2020). As opined by Modelski (2007), \"globalisation is a fourdimensional process that includes economic globalisation, world opinion creation, democratisation, and political\nglobalisation.\" Al-Rodhan and Stoudmann, (2006) rounded globalisation off with the assertion that changes in\none of these dimensions (for example, economic globalisation) will result in changes in the others\" Awdel et al.,\n(2020) further argued that globalisation is an inevitable phenomenon that combines almost every aspect of\nmodern life. This movement, fueled primarily by quick and mostly unrestrained flows of information, products,\nideas, cultural values, capital, services, and people, is welcoming in a more interconnected global economy than\never before.\nAt the centre of globalisation are international organisations and other non-state actors in the international\nsystem which has taken over the affairs of states at the international level. An international organisation is a type\nof unification of efforts by select governments aimed at achieving international collaboration, for which the\nstated states have established a legal institutional structure or institutions with permanent authority (Purd\u0103,\n2012). For a country to be part of an international body requires the signing of treaties which gives the\norganisations some legal rights. These legal rights of such institutions have reduced the sovereignty of states in\n12\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\ndecision making on issues relating to them within the international system. For example, to be part of free trade\nagreements requires countries to free up their borders and soften migration policies to allow unrestricted in and\noutflow for humans, goods and services.\nSovereign states are increasingly measuring their fragility to factors outside their control, rather than to one\nanother (Marsonet, 2017). The consensus in globalisation is that nations must be willing to cede some\nsovereignty to world organisations for the international system to work.\nStatement of the Problem\nGlobalisation has control over states' economies, foreign policies, and communities. Nations (particularly\ndeveloping countries) cannot fight globalisation since the entire world is dealing with it, and if a country\nprevents its entry, that country will be excluded from the contemporary international community, particularly in\neconomic terms. As a result of globalisation, sovereignty is not only getting weaker in fact, but it also needs to\ngrow weaker. States would be sensible to reduce their sovereignty to defend themselves because they cannot be\nisolated from what is happening elsewhere. When a government is unable to provide the fundamental\nrequirements of its population, whether due to a lack of competence or deliberate policy, the need may lead to a\nreduction, or even elimination of sovereignty (Marsonet, 2017).\nThe involvement of NATO in Kosovo was an example of some governments choosing to breach the sovereignty\nof another government to halt ethnic cleansing and genocide. In contrast, the mass killings in Rwanda and\nDarfur, Sudan, show the tremendous cost of believing that sovereignty is ultimate and so doing little to prevent\nthe death of innocent people.\nMany believe that globalisation helps everyone. It creates and distributes wealth, provides cheaper and more\ndiverse goods and services, and promotes democratisation. Despite these statements, which are supported by the\nhuge increase in foreign investment over the last decade, the largest portion of international investments\ncontinues to take place between the world's richest nations. Even within the developing globe, the stronger\nnations continue to get the majority of international investment. Most new states think that globalisation has\nresulted in the affluent and powerful governments dominating the weak (Oji & Ozoiko, 2011).\nThe foregoing stimulates the interest of this study to discuss the concept of globalisation, and examine the\nimpact of globalisation on the sovereignty of the new states in global affairs.\nMethodology\nThis study follows the conceptual research approach which focuses on examining the existing data established\nby seasoned academics on the issue under evaluation. The author examines the impact of globalisation on the\nsovereignty of the new states in global affairs while reviewing previous literature.\nLiterature Review\nConceptualising Globalisation\nGlobalisation is the result of a convergence of economic, technology, socio-cultural, and political factors. It\nrefers to the global integration of mankind and the compression of both the temporal and spatial aspects of\nglobal human interaction in general. Globalisation has a lengthy history; it began when European major\neconomic powers conquered Asia, Africa, and America. Globalisation emerged in the twentieth century, but it\nwas only around three decades ago that it was recognised as a research study, as its political and economic\nimplications began to be explored (Odel, 2016).\n13\nRUJMASS (Vol. 7 No 2) Dec 2021\nAccording to the political realists, the core meaning of globalisation entails an increase in the volume, velocity,\nand importance of flows within and across borders of goods, services, money, people, ideas, drugs, viruses,\nemails, weapons, and much more, calling into question one of the sovereignty's fundamental principles: the\nability to control what crosses borders in either direction.\nAccording to Eric (2010), globalisation examines and assesses the influence of economic globalisation on\nsovereignty, the worldwide distribution of wealth, and global commerce. It may also be anarchic national\neconomies; it changes sovereignty and ownership rights in free commerce. Finally, it blends economic policies,\ncorporate relationships, and political dissatisfaction. Globalisation, according to Beeson (2003), is an essential\ncomponent of national rule, describing it as a process that signifies a conversion in a high-value group of public\nrelations and international trades. Globalisation attempts to erase national borders, economies, and societies\nbetween countries and territories, and it destroys barriers between markets by connecting countries' geographical\nborders, disconnecting national and global trade, and strengthening trade relations for assets, wealth, and quality\nservice (Mostert, 2003).\nReview of Previous Empirical Studies\nIbrahim and Ainuddin (2017) investigated the effects of globalisation on African culture and politics. The study\nemployed a content analysis research technique. The study shows that globalisation and modernity have a\nnegative influence on African culture and politics in areas such as its political system, economics, education,\nreligion, and cultural systems. To confront the problems of globalisation, the study recommends that Africans\npreserve their culture, customs, and values while strengthening national boundaries and sovereignty.\nSivakumar and Baskaran (2014) in a study titled \u201cglobalization and nation-state\u201d outlined how globalisation\naffects state sovereignty. The study reveals that globalisation contributes to the transformation and narrowing of\nthe extent of national sovereignty. Due to international agreements such as global financial flows, activities of\ninternational organisations and multinational corporations, information and communication technology, and\nissues concerning human rights, as well as already formed models and traditions of state behaviour, the scope of\ninner sovereignty has been legally narrowed to a large extent. At the same time, a rising number of governments\nwillingly give up part of their sovereign rights for a variety of reasons.\nEjikeme and Ugwueze (2014) studied the challenges and opportunities presented by new states in global\npolitics. The study was mostly qualitative, with the aim of emphasising the potential and problems of emerging\nnations in global politics. The study found that globalisation in the world political system did not benefit poor\nnations. It is a contemporary colonialism strategy designed to keep certain countries underdeveloped. The study\nrecommends that sophisticated technologically developed countries should aid emerging governments in\neliminating global poverty, which is a major global security concern. It also recommends that the new states'\npolitical leaders work hard to secure a significant reduction in bad governance and corruption to aid\ndevelopment.\nOmagu (2012) researched the state, politics, and globalisation. This study provides a critical assessment of\nglobalisation's influence on African states. While conceding some of the gains of globalisation, the study sees\nthe link between the state and globalisation as a type of entrapment for Africa, resulting in reliance,\nvulnerability, manipulation, and, eventually, the undermining of the State's power. This unwholesome growth\nhas generated a legitimacy dilemma for most African administrations, transforming them into states that are\nalways in need of direction. It begins by examining globalisation and the African state; violations of state\nsovereignty are investigated through the interaction between African nations with important components of\neconomic globalisation such as production, commerce, and finance. The study concludes that globalisation in\nAfrica has resulted in denationalisation and the partial erosion of components of state sovereignty through\ninternational, regional, and other sub-national institutions.\n14\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\nState Sovereignty\nSovereignty is commonly characterised in political science as the most fundamental feature of the state in the\nform of total self-sufficiency, that is, dominance in domestic policy and independence in foreign policy (Held,\n2003). Sovereignty is more precisely defined as the right and authority to make the ultimate or last choice\nconcerning the terms of the existence of an entire territorially based polity. It implies a central core of right and\npower of self-government, that is, the power to resolve the basic problems of a country internally, rather than at\nthe command of others. No foreign entity has the authority to command or order a sovereign state to behave in a\ncertain manner on issues of fundamental importance to it.\nSovereignty does not simply denote the level or quantity of power, as though the extent to which a state is\nsovereign can be determined by calculating its relative military and economic might. Sovereignty denotes both\nthe right to act and the authority to act (Oji & Ozoiko, 2011). In certain circumstances, a state's authority to act\nis so constrained and limited that its sovereign right to act is rendered practically useless. Similarly, there are\noccasions when a state's real power is so immense that, even if its sovereign right to exercise this power is not\nformally recognised by others, it is tacitly recognised. These are, however, severe examples. Sovereignty is\nnormally defined as the possession of a right and power.\nAccording to Oji and Ozoiko (2011), sovereignty is frequently mistaken with independence, and the definition is\ncorrect as long as it is not confused with absolute independence. This is because the claim to sovereignty is\npredicated on recognition by other sovereigns, and so on some type of interaction with other nations. Northern\nCyprus, a self-proclaimed republic, is an example of a state that is not sovereign since it is not widely\nrecognised as such.\nThe New States in World Politics\nA state can be described simply as a community founded by individuals and exercising permanent control over a\ncertain region. The basic notion of a state is \"sovereignty,\" or the power to make choices without intervention\nfrom other sources. The core definition of a state is a political society with enough organised authority and\nability to administer a specified region and its inhabitants while being independent of other states.\nAccording to these definitions of the state, new states are those that have recently gained exclusive political\nsovereignty over their affairs (Scott, n.d). This includes the vast majority of Asian and African countries, as well\nas Latin America, and Oceania that were under some sort of colonial authority before 1945. This definition\nmeets the concept of new states in terms of age to a great extent.\nIn terms of development, new states include all economically underdeveloped states where poverty, hunger,\nunemployment, political instability, violence, and a variety of other social vices abound. The new state in this\nstudy is synonymous with \u201cThird World\u201d countries. Examples include but are not limited to Afghanistan,\nBurkina Faso, Chad, Comoros, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Haiti, Kiribati, Mali, Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen and Zambia\n(UN CDP, 2021).\nGlobalisation Sovereignty and National Sovereignty\nThe growing importance of non-state organisations such as international NGOs and multinational companies has\nsparked debate over the role of the state and whether it can function in the face of a broad set of forces. As a\nresult of globalisation, the state and its institutions are increasingly under pressure from both the domestic and\nglobal sectors.\n15\nRUJMASS (Vol. 7 No 2) Dec 2021\nSeveral scholars in the fields of Political Science, Economics, International Relations, and Development Studies,\namong others, have conducted successful research on the effects of globalisation and concluded that:\nglobalisation has become an important theme of the post-Cold War debate about the nature of the international\norder. Even though it is rarely linked to a well-established philosophy. Globalisation has become a potent\nmetaphor in the sense that a variety of universal forces are at work, resulting in growing interconnectedness and\ninterdependence between nations and communities. As a result, territorial boundaries are becoming less\nsignificant, old notions of sovereignty are being challenged, and local areas must be evaluated within a larger\nglobal perspective.\nLiberal scholars regard globalisation as a process of liberating economies so that commerce between nations\nmay take place more readily. In this perspective, freedom implies creating unrestricted chances for enterprises to\ngrow between and among states while minimising the state's role in the market. As a result, according to Olisa\n(1999), cited in Onuoha (2004), globalisation is an ongoing massive trend launched and pushed forward by\ndeveloped capitalist and industrial western nations.\nAs the world continued to evolve and develop, international organisations often arose as stakeholders in the\ninternational system with significant influence over state activities. As a result, non-governmental organisations\n(NGOs) became a component of global affairs. International organisations, according to Goldstein (2003),\ncomprise intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) such as the United Nations and non-governmental\norganisations (NGOs) such as the International Committee of the Red Cross. According to Kegley (2007), there\nare two sorts of non-state actors: intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) with state members and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) with private persons and groups as members.\nBelonging to an international organisation such as the African Union (AU) or the European Union (EU)\nundermines traditional sovereignty standards. Member states have established supranational entities that can\nmake decisions that some member states disagree with. The European Court of Justice, for example, has direct\nimpact and supremacy within national legal systems, even though these ideas were never formally adopted in\nany treaty. The European Monetary Union established a central bank, which today oversees the monetary affairs\nof three of the union's four major members. In some places, the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty\nallow for the majority of qualified majority vote, but not unanimous voting.\nThese organisations are, in some ways, products of state sovereignty because they were formed through\nvoluntary agreements among their member states. In another sense, however, it profoundly defies traditional\nnotions of sovereignty since these same agreements have weakened the legal autonomy of its members (Oji &\nOzoiko, 2011). The agreement to delegate sovereign powers to international organisations is not always durable.\nNobody can prohibit member nations from rescinding their participation in international organisations to reclaim\nthe sovereign power they have given up (Raustiala, 2003).\nInternational organisations make decisions that were previously thought to be within the purview of states.\nInequality among members of international organisations has become the norm. Globalization has led to the\nrejection of normative principles of universal and equal sovereignty. Unanimity is no longer required for\ndecision making, and veto is also uncommon. Although consensus is frequently utilised, more often than not,\nproportional voting or a specifically defined functional majority is used, and certain international organisations\nhave the authority to enforce their judgments on nations' (Kingsbury, 1998.) The operation of international\neconomic institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and World Trade\nOrganization, is highly contentious in terms of putting requirements on nations; even governments, with limited\nscope for national economic policy, want involvement (Held, 1997).\n16\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\nGlobalisation as an External Challenge of New States\u2019 Sovereignty\nStates' position in the modern world is primarily influenced by their power, which can be defined in terms of\neconomic resources, military capabilities, or both. Although several African nations such as Egypt, Nigeria, and\nSouth Africa satisfy this condition in their respective sub-regions, on a global scale, they (like several other new\nstates) have become progressively marginalised, particularly with the rapid advancement of science and\ntechnology. This trend has various political and economic repercussions that political scientists should consider\nwhen considering the issues of emerging nations in global politics. Against this backdrop, the new states,\nparticularly those of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, have been subjected to unrestricted political and economic\nexploitations cloaked in a slew of international diplomatic ties that are frequently antagonistic to both people\nand the environment.\nAt first, it was slavery, later to colonialism and neo-colonialism. But globalisation is the most pervasive\ncontemporary version of the World Powers\u2019 mechanism of degrading the sovereignty of many new states.\nBecause of these new states' inadequate development of science and technology, they are incapable of\nnegotiating well in the international division of labour and the social riches it generates. (Ejikeme & Ugwueze,\n2014).\nThe concept of globalisation is a big plan to \u201cvillagise\u201d the world to the point that one may access the whole\nworld from the comfort of one's room. Indeed, it seeks to undermine (if not eliminate) conventional and\njurisdictional borders and barriers of particular states, to the detriment of new ones. However, while trade\nliberalisation is the engine that propels globalisation, information and communication technology (ICT) is the\ngasoline that keeps it running.\nAs a result, the new states, particularly those that are severely undeveloped or developing, suffer the most from\nthis globalisation initiative; this is because they are primarily technologically inferior and so oriented to\nconsuming rather than producing. Given this, and the monopolisation of the international economy by the\ndeveloped countries who produce, the trade policies favour the producing countries, and the efforts of some\ndeveloping new states are frequently sabotaged by the old states. Globalisation is one of the great sabotage\ntechniques employed by the industrialised old powers against the less-industrialised emerging states. Indeed,\nglobalisation encapsulates all of the nemeses of enslavement, imperialism, naked colonialism and\nneocolonialism. The conclusion is that international politics is still characterised by high-level injustices and\nexploitations carried out with complete impunity where might is right (Ejikeme & Ugwueze, 2014).\nFor example, when Nigeria gained independence in 1960, there was a strong belief that the nation would soon\njoin the world league of developed countries. To make this ambition a reality, the Nigerian government\nimmediately began to pursue forceful foreign policies aimed at realising it, and it was not long before it gained\nthe label \"Giant of Africa.\" However, despite its immense resources, Nigeria is still racked by poverty,\nstarvation, unemployment, political instability, and terrorism after 61 years of independence, and the ambition\nof becoming a developed country is still in its infancy if at all imagined. In reality, the country is struggling just\nto reclaim its past greatness, let alone improve on what has come before. The country is heavily reliant on\nimports, and any country that lives on imports is doomed to be a weak state. Countries that endure such a\ndisaster will almost certainly lose control of any power in the international system. At the moment, Nigeria's\nmajor instinct as a superpower to reckon with in Africa (not even the global system) is her terrifying population,\nwhich is underutilised.\nAreas of Globalisation\u2019s Implications on the New States\nAs discussed earlier, globalisation is simply the internationalisation of most issues that affect humans and states.\nBelow are the areas in which globalisation has affected the autonomy of new states:\n17\nRUJMASS (Vol. 7 No 2) Dec 2021\nEconomic Perspective: The internationalisation of financial markets, technology, and some industries and\nservices impose additional constraints on the freedom of action of nations. Furthermore, the creation of\ninstitutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund introduces additional limits and\nimperatives.\nAccording to Bush (2008), globalisation brought poverty and inequality to Africa as a result of the continent's\nparticipation in the global capitalist economic system. Local industries deteriorated significantly, giving place to\nmultinational corporations. According to Tar (1999), the elimination of indigenous industries prepared the door\nfor multinational corporations from the developed world to invest in Africa's less developed countries. The\ninterdependence of markets, money, products, and services, as well as the networks established by transnational\nbusinesses, are the most visible expressions of economic globalisation.\nWhat information technology has done to the movement of money has expedited economic globalisation. It is\nfrequently asserted that the market's capacity to move money from one region of the world to another with the\nclick of a button has altered the norms of policy-making, leaving economic decisions considerably more at the\nmercy of market forces than previously.\nPolitical Impact: There is clear evidence that the influence of globalisation is most visible in the extent to\nwhich politics throughout the world are now mostly market-driven. Governments are no longer unable to run\ntheir states; rather, to remain in power, they must progressively \"manage\" national politics to adapt them to the\npressures of transnational commercial forces (Oji & Ozoiko, 2011). Globalisation has reduced national\ngovernments' ability to command and influence their economies (particularly in terms of macroeconomic\nmanagement) and to establish their political systems.\nPolitical globalisation has resulted from the institutionalisation of international political systems, a phenomenon\nknown as \"global governance.\" The League of Nations, which has now been supplanted by the United Nations,\nis regarded as the most powerful of the general and global organisations that had developed. Regional\norganisations include the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), Organization of American States (OAS),\nArab League, and others. The impact of these organisations is to generate a process of institution-building in\nwhich the organisations may control and command what transpires in member states' governance. This is the\npolitical globalisation trend. Non-member nations are considered deviants since they are not a part of this\ncollaboration. In the future, more states will be compelled to adhere to the standards established by these\norganisations (Chase-Dunn, 1999).\nThe impact is already being noticed in the field of human rights. Because of the globalisation of human rights, a\nstate is no longer free to treat its people and foreigners however it deems appropriate. It must adhere to\ninternational norms outlined in several human rights treaties, the majority of which are now considered\ncustomary law. The persistent concentration of sovereignty in international organisations will eventually result\nin political sovereignty being subjugated to the mandates of the institutions. Globalisation contributes to the\nformation of weak states, which cripples democracy; in the absence of a robust democracy, we may be certain\nthat civil society will stay in shambles and doomed (Oji & Ozoiko, 2011).\nCultural Imperialism: Culture separates one human group from another. A people's culture encompasses their\nbeliefs, behavioural standards, language, rituals, art, technology, clothing styles, food production and cooking\nmethods, religion, and political and economic systems.\nThe world today has always been and continues to be multicultural, with the rising popularity and acceptance of\nwestern values such as rationality, individualism, equality, and efficiency being an important trend of the\ntwentieth century; a trend that has accelerated in both speed and nature. The compression of time and space by\n18\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\nnew information technologies is essentially an extension and acceleration of a long-term trend toward\nacculturation (Meyer, 1999).\nThe dialectical linkages that exist between globalisation parameters have a significant influence not just on the\nglobal economy, but also on the ethnic, national, and religious characteristics of the world's many cultures.\nAlthough globalisation is meant to encourage the establishment of diverse communities, the reality on the\nground shows that cultural assimilation is more prevalent than cultural pluralism (Oji & Ozoiko, 2011). The less\npowerful are absorbed by the most powerful, culminating in sophisticated power-based cultural uniformity. As a\nresult, there is a dizzying assortment of \"competing and dying\" cultures, which raises significant questions about\nwhich culture should define the global socialisation map (Jotia, 2011).\nSince the European Enlightenment, the acceptance of originally Western institutional systems, bureaucratic\norganisation, and rationality; belief in a law-like natural universe, economic efficiency, and political democracy\nhas expanded throughout the world (Ejikeme & Ugwueze, 2014).\nUse of Force: According to Leander (2004), it is critical to consider states' legitimacy in monopolising the use\nof justifiable force. In international relations, it is often assumed that the legality of a state's use of foreign force\nmay be questioned both at home and in \"international society.\" The validity of nations in limiting the use of\njustifiable force \"inside\" their borders, on the other hand, is largely a question of (specific) national politics. The\nidea in this part is that knowing how legitimacy is conferred on governments has always been difficult to\nmaintain and is becoming more complex as a result of globalisation. Globalisation blurs the inside/outside logic\nby situating politics at a transnational level, that is, by denationalising or dislocating politics.\nFirst, a growing number of international and transnational actors are involved in the process of granting states\nlegitimacy to regulate the use of force. Simultaneously, a rising number of apparently external difficulties find\ntheir way into the \"internal\" domain (Leander, 2004).\nRight to Development: International developments have an impact on new states' ability to establish and\nimplement policies to realise the right to development in a globalised environment. The principle of\nglobalisation extends the opportunity to enjoy products and services beyond what a country can produce, much\nas participation in a growing market does for an individual, possibly improving the capacities for exercising the\nright to development.\nIt should be underlined that, in actuality, globalisation has not done so for the majority of poor nations. A\ndeveloping state would need to implement an adequate set of policies to convert prospective possibilities into\nreal capabilities. As a result, even as this interaction occurs, governments must choose what to embrace and\nwhat to reject by enacting policies that are in their best interests. This is a manifestation of a state's sovereignty.\nEducational System: Africans were pushed into menial jobs as a result of the Western educational system. The\nimpact of western education with an emphasis on literacy was to deter Africans from manual labour (Mazrui,\n1986). Meanwhile, the curriculum embraced by Africans was a western product that, except in rare instances,\ndid not take into account their cultural values. Instead of allowing Africans to build their indigenous social\nsciences, they taught them to follow their social sciences. Ake (1985) bemoaned that \"western powers'\nimperialism is our social sciences,\" even though no standard literature validated or contained African social\nsciences. This problem prevented Africans from developing curricula that reflected their habits, languages, and\ntraditions. This circumstance contributed to brainwashing Africans into accepting Western beliefs (Mikail &\nAbdullah, 2017).\n19\nRUJMASS (Vol. 7 No 2) Dec 2021\nWestern education has resulted in the migration of African talents. The outflow of African human resources\nlowered the number of professional skills capable of staffing African institutions, organisations, and agencies in\nboth the public and private sectors. An estimated 30,000 Africans with PhDs worked overseas in 2002, while\nover 130, 000 studied outside the continent (Okoli, 2012). This figure has risen since Nigerians in the United\nStates number 3-5 million, with 5,000 of them claiming to be medical professionals (Mikail, 2011). This\nsituation is alarming for the African human development index and produces a major vacuum in several\nprofessions, particularly in academic, medical, and technical fields, among others.\nChallenges of Communication Technology: Globalisation was cemented as a result of the rapid advancement\nof Information, Communication, and Technology (ICT), which influenced the cultural system. The globalisation\nof information flow via communications technology outlets such as Facebook Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube\nand Twitter in the global web of the Internet is intended to foster worldwide social relationships as well as to\ntransmit western culture, movies, pornography, prostitution, and moral decay to developing societies (Ibrahim &\nAinuddin, 2017). This phenomenon has eased the system of communication and knowledge transmission in one\nway while undermining the power of some governments.\nTwitter, for example, removed President Muhammadu Buhari's post regarding security difficulties in Nigeria's\nsoutheast region on July 2, 2020, citing a violation of the microblogging site's guidelines. Lai Muhammed, the\nMinister of Information, accused Twitter of double standards and branded their agenda in Nigeria as highly\ndubious during a news conference. Because Twitter's operations are potential damaging Nigeria's corporate\nexistence, the Nigerian government barred Twitter's access in the nation two days after the removal of the\npresident's post on the platform. Furthermore, Twitter, as a transnational firm operating in the Nigerian market,\nhas avoided paying taxes by establishing its West African headquarters in Ghana, a country whose whole\npopulation does not match the number of Twitter users in Nigeria. This culminated in a blockage of the platform\nin Nigeria.\nDiscussion of Findings\nAs much as globalisation is unavoidable, the consequences for new states are disastrous. The effect of\nglobalisation suggests that the incorporation of new states through the channel of internalisation has already\nreduced these states' sovereign. It is widely held that inequality is a feature of the world's capitalism since the\npast and that its abolition soon is not just gloomy but also unrealistic. It is particularly the wealthy nations and\nfew advanced emerging economies that can harness the benefits of the global economy. Furthermore,\nglobalisation, for the most part, does not help the construction of economic conditions essential for the\ndeveloping world's genuine development.\nMany reasons have contributed to the continuous inequality that characterises the international system, mainly\nto the detriment of new and emerging countries. Slavery, colonialism, and neocolonialism are examples of these\ncauses. Perhaps it is not in the best interests of this study to revisit these social injustices perpetrated against\nThird World nations, especially because they have been well-documented in the literature. Rather, the concern is\nin the inequalities that have been duplicated in the more palatable word \"globalisation.\"\nIn addition to the aforementioned, leaders of Third World nations (the new states) are not helping the situation\nby ensuring that the problem of inadequate governance is addressed, increasing the challenges already\nconfronting the new states in the international system.\nThe most important influence of globalisation on states' sovereignty has been to shift the extent of state power\nand control rather than to create a fundamentally new way of organising existence. The scope of national\nsovereignty has been legally reduced to a considerable extent as a result of international accords involving\nhuman rights problems, as well as in conjunction with already developed patterns and traditions of state action.\n20\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\nAt the same time, a rising number of governments willingly give up part of their sovereign rights for a variety of\nreasons. The loss in governmental authority and control was not accomplished by coercion, but rather through a\nreduction in power free will. This is mostly owing to the benefits of globalisation, which include free trade\nzones, economic support, humanitarian involvement, and many other things. However, the negatives outweigh\nthe benefits. The objective of globalisation should be to redefine sovereignty, that is, to strike a balance between\na world of totally autonomous nations and an international system based on either world governance or anarchy.\nFinally, the Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) of the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank and IMF) are\nalso examples of the detrimental outcomes of globalisation to the new states. The policies outlined that indebted\nstate governments reduce social spending, liberate the market to allow foreign investment, devaluate national\ncurrencies and spend more on the proliferation of arms. These policies ensure the new state remains dependent\non the developed nations in terms of importation and economic assistance.\nConclusion and Recommendations\nGlobalisation is a complex result of a combination of political, social, economic, and civilisational forces,\namong many others, that characterises the modern world. However, it is important to remember that\nglobalisation plays an important role in the relationship between nation-states. As noted in this research, state\nsovereignty (particularly that of the Third World) is undermined and challenged by the products of globalisation\nsuch as human rights, multinational enterprises, non-governmental organisations, supranational organisations,\nand so on.\nThe extent of sovereignty has been legally reduced to a considerable extent as a result of international treaties\ninvolving human rights problems, as well as in relation to already developed patterns and traditions of state\nbehaviour. At the same time, these states frequently give up part of their sovereign rights voluntarily for a\nvariety of reasons (in most cases to collectively solve global issues and challenges). Globalisation is a complex\nresult of a combination of political, social, economic, and civilisational forces, among many others, that\ncharacterises the modern world. However, it is important to remember that globalisation plays an important role\nin the relationship between nation-states. As noted in this research, state sovereignty (particularly that of the\nThird World) is undermined and challenged by the products of globalisation such as human rights, multinational\nenterprises, non-governmental organisations, supranational organisations, and so on.\nThe extent of sovereignty has been legally reduced to a considerable extent as a result of international treaties\ninvolving human rights problems, as well as concerning already developed patterns and traditions of state\nbehaviour. At the same time, these states frequently give up part of their sovereign rights voluntarily for a\nvariety of reasons (in most cases to collectively solve global issues and challenges).\nThis study, however, indicates that in a globalised world, practising Westphalian sovereignty, which provides\nstates entire authority within their territory and economic policies, is extremely difficult.\nBased on the findings and conclusion, this study recommends the following:\n1. Although it will not be an easy task for the new states to break free from their position as slaves in\ninternational politics, they can establish themselves through organised and administrative commitment\nby leaders capable of distancing the new states from dependency.\n2. Leaders of emerging nations should not expect developed countries to quickly transmit the necessary\ntechnology to allow for efficient global competitiveness; instead, they should embark on selftechnological innovations.\n3. Scholars are fully aware of the industrialised countries' hypocritical involvement in the continuously\ncrushing of the new states. According to this view, scholars should speed up their research to bring the\n21\nRUJMASS (Vol. 7 No 2) Dec 2021\nprospective consequences of pursuing a simple development model to the attention of leaders of the\nnew states.\n4. Leaders and scholars should cease blaming advanced nations for the issues that evolved through years\nof slavery and colonialism, and instead plan how to combat the pervasiveness of these social vices with\nthe development of globalisation through industrialisation and research.\n5. Finally, even if the world powers cannot directly support the emerging governments, they should not\nundermine their development efforts.\nReferences\nAke, C. (1985). Imperialism as social sciences. Longman Group Limited, Nigeria Plc.\nAl-Rodhan, N. R., & Stoudmann, G., (2006). Definitions of globalization: A comprehensive overview and a\nproposed definition. Program on the Geopolitical Implications of Globalization and Transnational\nSecurity. 6, 1-21.\nAwdel, Z. M., Odel, N. M., & Saadi, Z. F. (2020). The rise of the globalization and its effect on the autonomy of\nstate and political economy. Journal of Critical Reviews. 7(6), 998-1000.\nBeeson, M. (2003) Sovereignty under globalisation and southeast siege: The state in southeast Asia. Third\nWorld Quarterly, 24(2). 357\u2013374.\nBush, R. (2008). Africa and globalisation. Leeds African Studies Bulletin. Retrieved from:\nhttps://lucas.leeds.ac.uk/article/africa-and-globalisation-ray-bush/\nChase-Dunn, C. (1999). Globalisation: A world systems perspective. Journal of World Systems Research, 2,\n187\u2013215.\nChaturvedi, I. (2012) Globalization and its impact on state sovereignty. Retrieved from\nhttps://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/46e2/b9ff7b8adbc31b62a7f406d8ca5605a8a22c.pdf\nEjikeme, J. N., & Ugwueze, M. I. (2014). New states in world politics: Prospects and challenges. IOSR Journal\nof Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) 19(10), 01-11\nGoldstein, J. S. (2003). International Relations (Fifth Edition). Delhi: Pearson Education Ltd.\nHeld, D. (2003). The changing structure of international law: sovereignty transformed? In Held and McGrew.\nThe changing structure of international law, 162-174\nHeld, D., (1997.), Demokratija i globalni poredak, Od moderne dr\u017eave ka kosmopolitskoj vladavini, Beograd,\nFilip Vi\u0161nji\u0107\nIbrahim, K. M. & Ainuddin, I. L. A. (2017). The impact of globalization on African culture and politics. Journal\nof International Studies, 13, 1-14.\nInternational Monetary Fund (2002). Globalisation: Threat or Opportunity? Retrieved from\nhttp://imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2000/041200..htm\nJotia, A. L. (2011). Globalization and the nation-state: Sovereignty and state welfare in jeopardy. US-China\nEducation Review 2, 243-250.\nKegley, C. W. (2007). World Politics: Trend and Transformation. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth.\nKingsbury, B., (1998.), Sovereignty and inequality. European Journal of International Law, 9, 599-625\n Leander, A (2004). Globalisation and the State monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Political Science\nPublications, 2004(7).\nMarsonet, M. (2017). National sovereignty vs. globalization. Academicus - International Scientific Journal, 15,\n47-57.\nMazrui, A. A. (2006). Islam between globalization and counterterrorism. James Currey: Oxford.\nMeyer, J. W. (1996). The Changing Cultural Content Of The Nation-State: A World Society Perspective. In\nGeorge Steinmetz (ed.) New Approaches to the State in the Social Sciences. Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress\nMikail, I. K. & Abdullah, A. I. (2007). The impact of globalization on African culture and politics. Journal of\nInternational Studies,13, 1-14\n22\nAn Assessment of the Impact of Globalisation on the Sovereignty of the New States in Global Affairs\nMikail, I. K. (2011). Impact assessment of brain drain on health workers in Ahmadu Bello University Teaching\nHospital (ABUTH), Zaria. Nigeria Educational Forum Journal of the Institute of Education, Special\nEdition, 1(1), 35-47.\nModelski, G. (2007). Globalization as Evolutionary Process Routledge.\nMostert, J. (2003) The impact of globalisation on developing countries. A paper delivered at the ESSA\nconference, 17 \u201319 September 2003 (9). 1\u201335.\nOdel, N. M., (2016). Gains and Risks of Financial and Economic Globalization for Developing Countries,\nparticularly on a unique poor country as a case study. International Journal of Business and Social\nScience, 7(2), 134-139\nOji, E. A & Ozioko, M.V.C., (2011). Effect of globalization on sovereignty of states. Nnamdi Azikiwe\nUniversity Journal of International Law and Jurisprudence, 2. 256-270.\nOkoli, N. J. (2012). Effects of globalization on education in Africa 1983-2008. Academic Research\nInternational, 2(1), 10-18.\nOmagu, D. O. (2012). State, politics, and globalisation. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 21, 70-98.\nOnuoha, J. (2004). Globalization, the State and the Challenges of Unemployment in Nigeria. In J. Onuoha and\nP.U. Okpoko (eds.) Ethnic Nationalism and Democratic Consolidation: Perspectives from Nigeria and\nthe United States of America. Nsukka: Great AP Express Publishers Ltd. 381-391.\nPurd\u0103, N. (2012). Aspects on the international legal personality of international organizations. Challenges of the\nKnowledge Society. Legal sciences 891-900\nRaustiala, K., (2003.), Rethinking the sovereignty debate in international economic law. Journal of International\nEconomic Law, Oxford University Press, 6(4), 841-878.\nScott, R. (n.d). The Politics of New States. Retrieved from: http://www.vanuatu.usp.ac.fj/courses/\nLA332_Jurisprudence/Articles/Scott.htm.\nSimonovic, I. (2000). State Sovereignty and Globalization: Are Some States More Equal? Georgia Journal of\nInternational and Comparative Law. 28(3)\nSivakumar, N. & Baskaran, S. (2014). Globalization and nation state. International Journal for Innovation\nEducation and Research, 2(8), 81-88\nTar, U. (1999). Theories of development and under development (Unpublished Lecture\nNotes). for Undergraduate Students at University of Maiduguri, Nigeria.\nUnited Nations Committee for Development Policy (2021). List of Least Developed Countries (as of 24\nNovember 2021). Retrieved from: https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https:\n//www.un.org/development/desa/dpad/wp-content/uploads/sites/45/publication/ldc_list.pdf&ved\n=2ahUKEwiJxqXZyPT0AhVGXhoKHcPOD8wQFnoEC"},{"assistant_initiates":false,"asst_text":"i agree with you \ntotally agree \ncompletely agree \n100% agree \nabsolutely agree","behavior":"degenerate_repetition","conversation_hash":"cd2e353165228ea36ea6ec1aa1dcf733","conversation_redacted":false,"conversation_toxic":false,"country":"United States","empty_output":false,"evidence_codes":[],"label":"absent","label_present":false,"label_qualified":false,"label_source":"Final dense release","language":"English","model":"gpt-3.5-turbo-0125","n_chars":208,"n_turns_in_conversation":1,"n_words":34,"source_row_offset":75159,"source_shard":"turns-00021.parquet","timestamp":"Fri, 17 May 2024 22:55:57 GMT","turn_id":"52f730ec7473cb3589386dd6","turn_index":0,"user_text":"Write 5 short 2-9 word all lowercase no punctuation instagram comment only simple words about topic \u201cagree\" Each one on new line"}],"shard":{"index":21,"name":"turns-00021.parquet","rows":89135}}